By Douglas Davies
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Extra resources for Child Development: A Practitioner's Guide, Third Edition
634). Attachment dynamics between parents become a context of their children’s development. A child of these avoidant–ambivalent parents can easily become triangulated into his parents’ conflicted dynamics. By contrast, two parents with secure/ autonomous attachment styles present their child with an experience of the family system as a secure base (Johnson, 2008). In recent years, family therapy approaches that incorporate attachment theory have been developed to address interactions based on negative working models (Moran, Diamond, & Diamond, 2005).
Studies of very different cultures show rates of secure attachment in the range of 65–70%; rates among the insecure categories vary and may be more influenced by cultural practices. However, the research of Sagi et al. (1985; Sagi, van IJzendoorn, Aviezer, Donnell, & Mayseless, 1994) on attachment in Israeli kibbutz infants implies that cultural practices may promote insecurity. The kibbutz philosophy aims to promote collective support and cooperation in children by organizing their lives so that they identify with the peer group equal to or even more than the family.
Infants and toddlers do form different types of attachment with different caregivers. In cases where a child has an insecure attachment with a mother, a secure attachment with another important caregiver—father, grandparent, or regular child care provider—may take on a compensatory protective function (Howes & Ritchie, 1998; Howes & Spieker, 2008). ATTACHMENT, CLASS, AND CULTURE Early skeptics questioned whether attachment, as defined by Ainsworth’s research, was a middle-class phenomenon. But the link between parental sensitivity and attachment security has consistently been supported in studies of middle- and lower-class samples, including samples that were racially and ethnically mixed and samples that were either primarily African American or European American (Ward & Carlson, 1995).