By Philip Balsiger
From shopper boycotts and buycotts to social stream campaigns, examples of person and collective actors forging political struggles on markets are manifold. The garments industry has been a privileged website for such competition, with international garments manufacturers and outlets being pursuits of purchaser mobilization for the earlier two decades. Labels and product traces now attest for the moral caliber of garments, which has, in flip, given upward thrust to moral fashion.The struggle for moral style unveils the actors and methods that experience pushed this industry transformation via an in depth learn of the Europe-wide coordinated crusade on workers’ rights within the worldwide fabric - the fresh outfits Campaign.Drawing on insights from qualitative fieldwork utilizing a variety of empirical resources, Philip Balsiger strains the emergence of this crusade again to the increase of ‘consumer campaigns’ and exhibits how strategies have been tailored to marketplace contexts with the intention to have shops undertake and computer screen codes of behavior. by way of evaluating the interactions among campaigners and their company objectives in Switzerland and France (two international locations with a truly diversified historical past of buyer mobilization for political issues), this ground-breaking ebook additionally unearths how one crusade can impress contrasting reactions and kinds of industry swap.
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Extra info for The Fight for Ethical Fashion: The Origins and Interactions of the Clean Clothes Campaign
Contrary to countries with a colonial history, struggles of decolonization did not occupy the internal political agenda, and development aid was therefore a mostly ‘depoliticized’ matter (Holenstein 1998). These established practices, rules and cultural norms constituted a fairly stable field settlement (Fligstein and McAdam 2012). But by the time of the Bern Declaration’s birth in 1969, this settlement was challenged by two distinct but complementary sources: a renewal of theological thought based on liberation theology, adopted by mostly peripheral actors within the churches, and the student and youth movement of the late 1960s.
Knowledge and expertise occupied a central role. Expert knowledge drew on new economic theories of development, in particular dependence theory. The BD’s professional activists were part of a transnational tiersmondiste network, which encompassed activist groups and scientists, mainly economists, and blurred the lines between academia and social movements. Economists were activists, and activists wrote scientific reports and books. The BD’s political secretaries were themselves academics, or became experts in their respective fields of specialization through their interactions in activist networks, and translated and authored books on the subject, like Strahm’s ‘Überentwicklung—Unterentwicklung’ (Overdevelopment—Underdevelopment) (1975).
Recipes and tips for ‘how to shop better’ were developed, and workshops on these questions took place in many women’s groups around the country. Counter-cultural actions have been interpreted in different ways in social movement theory. Some scholars dismiss them as ‘pseudo-participation’ which is ultimately detrimental to movements (Donati 1989), or simply ignore them and 6 It was modeled on the Whole Earth Catalog, published for the first time in 1968 in the US. See Turner (2006). The Rise of Consumer Campaigns 29 only consider contentious protest events targeting states.